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Dr Darko Trifunovic - Rewarding terrorism, deception in Kosovo

Rewarding terrorism, deception in Kosovo



By Andy Wilcoxson
© 2008 



Eight years ago, the United States and its NATO allies bombed Serbia to rescue the ethnic Albanian population from genocide at the hands of Serbian troops loyal to Slobodan Milosevic in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo – or so we were told.

During the NATO campaign, the State Department told us 100,000 to 500,000 Kosovo-Albanians were missing and feared dead. State Department spokesman James Rubin warned us of "indicators that genocide is unfolding in Kosovo."

President Clinton compared Kosovo to Nazi Germany's Holocaust against the Jews. He said Serbia's alleged persecution of Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, like "the ethnic extermination of the Holocaust," was a "vicious, premeditated, systematic oppression fueled by religious and ethnic hatred."

Today Kosovo's Albanian leaders are poised to declare the beleaguered province's independence from Serbian rule and America, along with her allies, stands ready to recognize that independence regardless of Serbia's objections.

On the surface, this might appear to be a perfectly reasonable policy; one might assume that Serbia forfeited any right to govern the province when it committed genocide against Kosovo's ethnic Albanian population eight years ago, but things aren't what they appear to be.

After eight years of searching, evidence of genocide against Kosovo's ethnic Albanians has not materialized. The number of ethnic Albanians who died or went missing is anywhere from 90 percent to 99 percent lower than the estimates we were given during the war.

Although the Serbs were accused of genocide, and the Albanians were said to be their victims, a Serb was three times more likely to be killed or abducted than an Albanian, and Serbs made-up a disproportionately large share of the Kosovo war's refugees. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians comprise an even larger share of the population today than they did before the war, which adds up to one simple fact: They weren't victims of genocide.

Kosovo was a war over territory that pitted ethnic Albanian secessionists in the Kosovo Liberation Army, or KLA, against Serbian security forces.

To elicit Western sympathy and win NATO intervention against the Serbs, the KLA sought to portray the war as an aggressive Serbian genocide against Kosovo's Albanians – the strategy worked. The shocking images of civilians driven from their homes and streaming out of Kosovo are indelibly burned into our memories.

Eve-Ann Prentice, a British journalist who covered the Kosovo war for the Guardian and the London Times, testified during Slobodan Milosevic's trial in the Hague. She said that rather than being driven out by the Serbs, "The KLA told ethnic Albanian civilians that it was their patriotic duty to leave because the world was watching. This was their one big opportunity to make Kosovo part of Albania eventually, that NATO was there, ready to come in, and that anybody who failed to join the exodus was not supporting the Albanian cause."

Alice Mahon, a British MP and a member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in Brussels, also testified during Milosevic's trial. She said, "The KLA definitely encouraged the exodus."

Muharem Ibraj and Saban Fazliu, two ethnic Albanian witnesses from Kosovo who testified in Milosevic's trial, said Serbian security forces encouraged civilians to remain in their homes, and that it was the KLA who made the civilian population leave the province.

Fazliu testified that the KLA would kill anybody who disobeyed its orders. He said, "The order was to leave Kosovo in later stages, to go to Albania, Macedonia, so that the world could see for themselves that the Albanians are leaving because of the harm caused by the Serbs. This was the aim. This was the KLA order."

During the war, the London Times reported how "KLA 'minders' ensured that all refugees peddled the same line when speaking to Western journalists" by threatening the refugee's loved ones. Unfortunately, that report was one of the few honest pieces of journalism to come out of Kosovo.

Testifying in the Milosevic trial about the coverage he had seen in the Western news media, Dietmar Hartwig, the chief of the European Union's Monitoring Mission in Kosovo said, "I didn't think it had anything to do with reality. [The] reporting was always very one-sided."

(Column continues below)

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Dr Darko Trifunovic - Rewarding terrorism, deception in Kosovo

Rewarding terrorism, deception in Kosovo



By Andy Wilcoxson
© 2008 



Eight years ago, the United States and its NATO allies bombed Serbia to rescue the ethnic Albanian population from genocide at the hands of Serbian troops loyal to Slobodan Milosevic in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo – or so we were told.

During the NATO campaign, the State Department told us 100,000 to 500,000 Kosovo-Albanians were missing and feared dead. State Department spokesman James Rubin warned us of "indicators that genocide is unfolding in Kosovo."

President Clinton compared Kosovo to Nazi Germany's Holocaust against the Jews. He said Serbia's alleged persecution of Kosovo's ethnic Albanians, like "the ethnic extermination of the Holocaust," was a "vicious, premeditated, systematic oppression fueled by religious and ethnic hatred."

Today Kosovo's Albanian leaders are poised to declare the beleaguered province's independence from Serbian rule and America, along with her allies, stands ready to recognize that independence regardless of Serbia's objections.

On the surface, this might appear to be a perfectly reasonable policy; one might assume that Serbia forfeited any right to govern the province when it committed genocide against Kosovo's ethnic Albanian population eight years ago, but things aren't what they appear to be.

After eight years of searching, evidence of genocide against Kosovo's ethnic Albanians has not materialized. The number of ethnic Albanians who died or went missing is anywhere from 90 percent to 99 percent lower than the estimates we were given during the war.

Although the Serbs were accused of genocide, and the Albanians were said to be their victims, a Serb was three times more likely to be killed or abducted than an Albanian, and Serbs made-up a disproportionately large share of the Kosovo war's refugees. Kosovo's ethnic Albanians comprise an even larger share of the population today than they did before the war, which adds up to one simple fact: They weren't victims of genocide.

Kosovo was a war over territory that pitted ethnic Albanian secessionists in the Kosovo Liberation Army, or KLA, against Serbian security forces.

To elicit Western sympathy and win NATO intervention against the Serbs, the KLA sought to portray the war as an aggressive Serbian genocide against Kosovo's Albanians – the strategy worked. The shocking images of civilians driven from their homes and streaming out of Kosovo are indelibly burned into our memories.

Eve-Ann Prentice, a British journalist who covered the Kosovo war for the Guardian and the London Times, testified during Slobodan Milosevic's trial in the Hague. She said that rather than being driven out by the Serbs, "The KLA told ethnic Albanian civilians that it was their patriotic duty to leave because the world was watching. This was their one big opportunity to make Kosovo part of Albania eventually, that NATO was there, ready to come in, and that anybody who failed to join the exodus was not supporting the Albanian cause."

Alice Mahon, a British MP and a member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in Brussels, also testified during Milosevic's trial. She said, "The KLA definitely encouraged the exodus."

Muharem Ibraj and Saban Fazliu, two ethnic Albanian witnesses from Kosovo who testified in Milosevic's trial, said Serbian security forces encouraged civilians to remain in their homes, and that it was the KLA who made the civilian population leave the province.

Fazliu testified that the KLA would kill anybody who disobeyed its orders. He said, "The order was to leave Kosovo in later stages, to go to Albania, Macedonia, so that the world could see for themselves that the Albanians are leaving because of the harm caused by the Serbs. This was the aim. This was the KLA order."

During the war, the London Times reported how "KLA 'minders' ensured that all refugees peddled the same line when speaking to Western journalists" by threatening the refugee's loved ones. Unfortunately, that report was one of the few honest pieces of journalism to come out of Kosovo.

Testifying in the Milosevic trial about the coverage he had seen in the Western news media, Dietmar Hartwig, the chief of the European Union's Monitoring Mission in Kosovo said, "I didn't think it had anything to do with reality. [The] reporting was always very one-sided."

(Column continues below)

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Dr Darko Trifunovic - German spy affair might have been revenge

BND Kosovo affair

German spy affair might have been revenge

 
(5)
30.November 2008, 14:59

Now that the three agents of the German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) have been released from prison in Kosovo, speculations are circling on how Germany will respond, as well as what caused the incident in the first place. One view holds that the agents were held as retribution for reports on key Kosovar officials by German intelligence services.

Kosovo, BND, Germany, ICTY, Steinmeier, Thaci, Haradinaj, Haliti, Berlin, Left Party, agents, spy,
Picture: DPA

One of the three German agents (C) who were arrested on suspicion of plotting a bomb attack on European Union offices in Kosovo leaves the Pristina Detention center, in Pristina, Kosovo, 28 November 2008. Kosovo authorities released three German intelligence agents, 10 days after they were arrested and accused of throwing a bomb at a European Union office.

In the hours before the release of the three German spies from Kosovo on November 28, nerves in Berlin were taught. That day, security circles hardly believed anymore that the BND agents would be released by evening. The Pristina district court was still in deliberations. An end did not seem to be in sight.

At the same time, all doubts concerning the culpability of the BND agents seemed to have already been cleared. The previously unheard of ‘Army of the Republic of Kosovo’ (ARK) had accepted responsibility for the bomb attack. Laboratory tests had shown no evidence of the BND agents’ involvement. In addition, a television report had aired quoting a police report that allegedly said that the Germans had in no way been involved. All of this did not seem to move the judges in Kosovo. Though they had no evidence, they let the agents sit in prison.

Why did they act this way? Why was the issue not dealt with quietly and discreetly, behind the scenes, as is the norm between friendly nations? Searching for answers to these questions leads to a murky underworld of organized crime and secret service schemes. It illuminates the difficult German-Kosovar relations as well as the tense relationship between the BND and the German federal government.

When the German authorities in Berlin were made to believe that the BND agents would not be freed immediately, all the resentment that had been building for the past days welled to the surface. It was then directed at Pristina. There was talk of “massive pressure” being exerted by the German government. The German authorities threatened to cut aid to Kosovo. Only then were the three men let free on Friday evening. On Saturday morning they were flown out of the country by a special plane of the BND.

An unnecessary drama

 

The entire drama could have ended a week earlier, quietly and discreetly, according to intelligence experts. “The German government should have put greater pressure on the Kosovar government,” the conservative politician and secret service expert Bernd Schmidbauer now says. The former federal judge Wolfgang Neskovic of the Left Party is also mystified by the reaction of the German government. “Foreign Minister Steinmeier should have personally and publicly engaged himself in the freeing of the BND agents,” he said.

A high-ranking BND official spoke out with yet sharper words. “The German government had allowed itself to be dragged by the nose through global politics by a country in which organized crime is the form of government,” he told the Sueddeutsche Zeitung. These harsh words will surely contribute to rekindling the flames of antagonism, temporarily cooled, between the BND and the Federal Chancellery, or rather between BND President Ernst Uhrlau and Head of the Chancellery Lothar de Maiziere.

BND chief Uhrlau has missed the backup from de Maiziere on more than one occasion, most recently concerning the purchase of DVDs with the information of tax evaders in Liechtenstein. The BND also felt itself left in the lurch in the case of the Guantanamo prisoner Murat Kurnaz.

This time the BND can hardly accuse the chancellery of inactivity, however. According to information obtained by the Welt am Sonntag, the German government only confronted the Kosovar leadership on Tuesday Nov. 25, when it became clear that all attempts to free the agents through diplomatic channels were not bearing fruit. De Maziere called up Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci and threatened consequences should the Germans remain behind bars. The threat was formalized on Friday.

According to information obtained by the Welt am Sonntag, the German government has since Friday been seriously considering freezing aid it has already promised to Kosovo. A final decision has not been made. Nonetheless, concrete speculations have been made about cutting aid in specific areas, according to the information. The main area under consideration is defense.

Such a step would certainly hurt Kosovo, given that Germany is the second largest bilateral donor country after the United States. Since 1999, Germany has given 280 million euros to the Kosovo authorities. Given his actions in the BND affair, Prime Minister Thaci will have to deal with such consequences. But why did he choose to pick this fight with Germany in the first place?

An act of revenge?

 

In security circles one hears various answers to this question. The most common one is that the action was taken as revenge. The reason is a 67-page long, hard-hitting analysis by the BND about organized crime in Kosovo and a confidential report contracted by the German military, the Bundeswehr. In contrast to the CIA and MI6, both German intelligence reports accuse Thaci as well as former Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj and Xhavit Haliti of the parliamentary leadership of far-reaching involvement in organized crime.

The BND writes: “The key players (including Haliti, Haradinaj, and Thaci) are intimately involved in inter-linkages between politics, business, and organized crime structures in Kosovo.” At the end of the 1990s, the report accuses Thaci of leading a “criminal network operating throughout Kosovo.” At that time he was a co-founder of the Kosovo Liberation Army, and led the Albanian delegation at the 1999 conference at Rambouillet that preceded the Kosovo war.

The BND report also accuses Thaci of contacts to the Czech and Albanian mafias. In addition, it accuses him, together with Haliti, of ordering killings through the professional hit man ‘Afrimi’, who is allegedly responsible for at least 11 contract murders.

Concerning Haradinaj, like Thaci seen as a protégé of the United States, the BND report says he was involved “in the full spectrum of criminal, political and military activities.” A report of the United Nations’ intelligence service CIU shows how confused and contradictory the work of intelligence services in the region can be. According to that report, two CIA agents once protected Haradinaj from an interrogation by taking him to a U.S. base with an Italian military helicopter.

Haradinaj had to step back as Prime Minister of Kosovo only after a few months in office in 2005 after being indicted of crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the Hague. Serbian officials have claimed that nine of ten witnesses for the prosecution were killed during the trial, though the ICTY has denied these claims. Haradinaj was acquitted by the Hague tribunal in April 2008.

Translated by Jacob Comenetz

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Dr Darko Trifunovic - Kosovo Claims to Have Video of 'Terrorism'

Kosovo Claims to Have Video of 'Terrorism'

Three alleged German spies detained over the weekend in Kosovo are suspected of "terrorism" in connection with a minor blast outside an EU building in Pristina. Now Kosovo authorities say they have video evidence, but Germany says it's a frame-up job.

Kosovo police claim they have a video showing a German spy tossing an explosive charge over a wall at a European Union building in the Kosovo capital of Pristina. The video, however, hasn't been released, and the German government -- in a controversy that has roiled relations between Berlin and Kosovo -- has vehemently denied the charges.

"The idea that the German government could be involved in terrorist attacks abroad is absurd," German government spokesman Thomas Steg told a news conference on Monday.

 

Kosovo police guarding the headquarters of the European Union mission in Kosovo.
DPA

Kosovo police guarding the headquarters of the European Union mission in Kosovo.

Three German citizens were detained for 30 days in Kosovo after questioning last Saturday in connection with a minor nighttime explosion at the International Civilian Office, where the EU's Special representative Pieter Feith is charged with overseeing Kosovo's new government.

 

SPIEGEL has information suggesting the men, reportedly ranging in age from 41 to 47, are indeed agents of Germany's foreign intelligence agency, the Bundesnachrichtendienst, or BND. Kosovo claims they have no diplomatic passports, and other German media have reported that the men were "borrowed" from the German military, which has forces in the area. The German government has not clarified who they are. It admits they were outside the building on November 14, but says they were inspecting the scene of the crime.

The German government is also aware of a video related to the crime, but claims no faces are visible.

Anti-European Radicals?

In the absence of clear facts, both sides are playing a game of diplomatic denial and accusation. Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci has said, "No one has an interest in politicizing this affair," while the BND itself claims extremist elements in Kosovo were behind the attack. Some elements of the Pristina government oppose any foreign involvement, the BND argues, so the attack may have been the work of the anti-European radicals.

But the German parliament wants details. Max Stadler, deputy chairman of a commission that oversees the BND, told the International Herald Tribune on Monday that "Germany supports EU policy in Kosovo and as such it would make no sense to attack the EU building in Pristina." But he added, "These are public charges of a grave nature. Even if, as I hope and believe, there is nothing to this, the (German) government should clarify it."

Germany has been one of the strongest supporters of Kosovo, which declared independence from Serbia in February 2008. Russia and Serbia have refused to recognize the new government, but Berlin has promised €100 million in development aid over the next two years.

The BND is active in Kosovo, possibly to keep track of where the aid money goes. BND reports have suggested that Kosovo's new government is rife with organized crime.

The attack in Pristina on November 14 shattered windows in the building but hurt no one. It came four days after Kosovo's leaders rejected a plan by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for the deployment of an EU police and justice mission called EULEX.

EULEX is meant to take over some duties from UN peacekeepers, who have occupied Kosovo since the 1999 NATO bombing campaign which ended a brutal Serbian crackdown on Kosovo's Albanian separatists

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Darko Trifunovic - Three German Spies Agents Arrested in Kosovo, Reports Say

Three German Spies Agents Arrested in Kosovo, Reports Say

Three Germans arrested in Kosovo on this week are allegedly spies working for a German intelligence agency, German media reported Saturday, Nov. 22. Lawmakers are demanding details of the arrests.

The three Germans were arrested Wednesday in Kosovo are agents for the Germany Federal Intelligence Agency (BND), Der Spiegel newsmagazine and the daily Sueddeutsche Zeitung reported Saturday.

The Germans were arrested by Kosovar police in connection with an attack on the European Union's headquarters in Pristina on Nov. 14. No one was hurt in the explosion and indications of the attack's background or possible motives remain unclear.

The suspects were in Kosovo "in a private capacity" and had no immunity from prosecution, police spokesman Veton Elshani told the German news agency dpa.

None of the German trio were "diplomats, police, soldiers or experts with international identification," Kosovar investigators said on Friday.

The alleged spies said they were simply inspecting damage done by the bomb's explosion and were not involved in the attack, according to the Spiegel report.

One of the men told Kosovar authorities he was working for the BND, the daily Sueddeutsche Zeitung reported.

Opposition wants details

Traffic in PristinaBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  Parliamentarians want to know exactly what the Germans were doing in Pristina

A German government spokesman declined to speculate about the possible involvement of Berlin's security services (BND) in the case on Friday and instead pointed to the ongoing investigations.

German politicians in the opposition have called for the government to inform a parliamentary oversight committee.

"The status has to be made clear," Max Stadler, the free-market liberal FDP's expert for interior affairs, told dpa on Saturday, adding that lawmakers needed to be informed regardless of whether there was sufficient material to charge the Germans.

Governments usually register their intelligence agents with foreign authorities to ensure they are covered by diplomatic immunity. Berlin failed to accredit the three agents, leaving their legal status in Kosovo unclear, according to Der Spiegel.

An EU mission is due to take over the oversight of law-enforcement in Kosovo after more than eight years of a United Nations protectorate.

Kosovo declared independence from Serbia in February. Pristina, Belgrade, the UN and EU are currently wrangling over the conditions for the deployment of the EU mission, the Eulex, comprising 2,000 police, judicial and customs officials.

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Darko Trifunovic - Terror Row Escalates as Germany, Kosovo Trade Accusations

Terror Row Escalates as Germany, Kosovo Trade Accusations

Would German agents bomb an EU office in Pristina? Maybe, say authorities in Kosovo; "absurd," according to the government in Berlin. This difference of opinion is now threatening to become an international incident.

Relations between Europe's biggest economy and the tiny former Serb province that Germany is helping to rebuild have been under a cloud since the arrest of three Germans in connection with the blast.

The men are agents of Germany's foreign intelligence service BND, according to German and Albanian media, although neither the German government nor the BND would confirm this.

A judge in Kosovo has ordered the trio to remain in investigative custody for 30 days on terrorism charges related to the Nov. 14 blast, which damaged the EU headquarters in the Kosovo capital.

German officials were outraged when the men, wearing handcuffs, were hauled before the television cameras on their way to prison after the court hearing at the weekend.

"The idea that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany could be involved in terrorist attacks is absurd," government spokesman Thomas Steg said on Monday, also ruling out involvement by government agencies like the BND.

No one is above the law, says Thaci suspected War Criminal and wanted by INTERPOL

Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  Thaci defended his country's actions and judiciary

Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci defended the behavior of the territory's judiciary as well as that of the security services, who had reportedly been shadowing the Germans for months.

"No one is above the law ... The rule of law in Kosovo should be respected in its entirety, regardless of its national background. We should believe in the judicial bodies, and therefore should not have any prejudice or political assessments," he said.

The three Germans were not registered as intelligence agents, according to Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu. Sources said they were undercover operatives working for a BND front company called Logistic Coordination Assessment Services.

There are conflicting reports as to how they were caught. One version is they were spotted fleeing the scene after one of them tossed an explosive device at the EU office from an adjacent, empty building.

They were arrested five days later after a search of their home turned up weapons and incriminating documents, including a sketch of the premises, which houses the European Union's Special Representative for the region.

Lawyers for the men, aged between 41 and 47, were quoted in German media as saying the trio was not involved in the attack but went to the scene "out of curiosity" four hours after the blast to take photographs.

Kosovo's Koha Ditore daily said police were looking into a possible link between the attack and similar bombings in 2007, targeting the UN Mission in Kosovo, the office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Kosovo assembly building.

No injuries occurred in any of the attacks but there are similarities, such as the use of TNT and the make-up of the explosive device.

German press speculates on anti-EU cell

A burning EU flagBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  Some Kosovar Serbs resent the EU for its support of Kosovo's independence

Germany's mass-circulation newspaper Bild speculated the blast was the work of an anti-EU faction in Kosovo, which declared independence from Serbia in February after nine years under UN protection.

Four days before the bomb attack, the Albanian majority in Kosovo rejected a deal between the UN and Serbia for the EU police and justice mission EULEX to take over administration of the territory's law enforcement operations.

German officials are wondering how the affair managed to escalate the way it did, especially in view of the fact that Berlin has been a prominent backer of Kosovo's independence and is its biggest financial donor after the United States.

Usually in cases involving intelligence-gathering actives, foreign agents that run foul of domestic authorities are quietly ordered to leave the country away from the glare of publicity.

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Darko Trifunovic - Terror Row Escalates as Germany, Kosovo Trade Accusations

Terror Row Escalates as Germany, Kosovo Trade Accusations

Would German agents bomb an EU office in Pristina? Maybe, say authorities in Kosovo; "absurd," according to the government in Berlin. This difference of opinion is now threatening to become an international incident.

Relations between Europe's biggest economy and the tiny former Serb province that Germany is helping to rebuild have been under a cloud since the arrest of three Germans in connection with the blast.

The men are agents of Germany's foreign intelligence service BND, according to German and Albanian media, although neither the German government nor the BND would confirm this.

A judge in Kosovo has ordered the trio to remain in investigative custody for 30 days on terrorism charges related to the Nov. 14 blast, which damaged the EU headquarters in the Kosovo capital.

German officials were outraged when the men, wearing handcuffs, were hauled before the television cameras on their way to prison after the court hearing at the weekend.

"The idea that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany could be involved in terrorist attacks is absurd," government spokesman Thomas Steg said on Monday, also ruling out involvement by government agencies like the BND.

No one is above the law, says Thaci suspected War Criminal and wanted by INTERPOL

Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  Thaci defended his country's actions and judiciary

Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci defended the behavior of the territory's judiciary as well as that of the security services, who had reportedly been shadowing the Germans for months.

"No one is above the law ... The rule of law in Kosovo should be respected in its entirety, regardless of its national background. We should believe in the judicial bodies, and therefore should not have any prejudice or political assessments," he said.

The three Germans were not registered as intelligence agents, according to Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu. Sources said they were undercover operatives working for a BND front company called Logistic Coordination Assessment Services.

There are conflicting reports as to how they were caught. One version is they were spotted fleeing the scene after one of them tossed an explosive device at the EU office from an adjacent, empty building.

They were arrested five days later after a search of their home turned up weapons and incriminating documents, including a sketch of the premises, which houses the European Union's Special Representative for the region.

Lawyers for the men, aged between 41 and 47, were quoted in German media as saying the trio was not involved in the attack but went to the scene "out of curiosity" four hours after the blast to take photographs.

Kosovo's Koha Ditore daily said police were looking into a possible link between the attack and similar bombings in 2007, targeting the UN Mission in Kosovo, the office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Kosovo assembly building.

No injuries occurred in any of the attacks but there are similarities, such as the use of TNT and the make-up of the explosive device.

German press speculates on anti-EU cell

A burning EU flagBildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift:  Some Kosovar Serbs resent the EU for its support of Kosovo's independence

Germany's mass-circulation newspaper Bild speculated the blast was the work of an anti-EU faction in Kosovo, which declared independence from Serbia in February after nine years under UN protection.

Four days before the bomb attack, the Albanian majority in Kosovo rejected a deal between the UN and Serbia for the EU police and justice mission EULEX to take over administration of the territory's law enforcement operations.

German officials are wondering how the affair managed to escalate the way it did, especially in view of the fact that Berlin has been a prominent backer of Kosovo's independence and is its biggest financial donor after the United States.

Usually in cases involving intelligence-gathering actives, foreign agents that run foul of domestic authorities are quietly ordered to leave the country away from the glare of publicity.

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